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By John Krige

In 1945, the USA used to be not just the most powerful financial and army strength on this planet; it used to be additionally the world's chief in technology and know-how. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technology in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar medical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the US. They mobilized political and monetary help to advertise not only America's medical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly warfare political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this try at clinical dominance by way of the usa will be obvious as a kind of "consensual hegemony," concerning the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this inspiration to research a sequence of case reports that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technological know-how Committee, and influential contributors of the medical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia collage and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize medical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations examine. He information U.S. help for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's examine indicates how consensual hegemony in technological know-how not just served the pursuits of postwar ecu reconstruction yet grew to become differently of conserving American management and "making the area secure for democracy."

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Extra resources for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe (Transformations: Studies in the History of Science and Technology)

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R. 22 France’s security concerns and growing fears that Europe would fall under Soviet domination led the Truman administration to adopt new measures to impede Communist advances in Greece, France, and Italy. The Soviet Union, opposed to German self-government, its participation in the ERP, and its integration into the Western bloc, tightened its grip on its satellites. Moscow also encouraged domestic Communist parties to do all they could through strikes and social unrest to sabotage the Marshall Plan.

The French, by contrast, were utterly dismayed by the scheme. This was partly because it severely jeopardized their Monnet Plan for economic recovery, agreed by the French 24 Chapter 2 cabinet in January 1947. Monnet’s program called for France to replace Germany as the major steel producer on the Continent, using coal imported from the United States as well as coal extracted from Germany. 8 million tons agreed in March 1946) thus horrified Prime Minister Ramadier and his foreign minister, Georges Bidault.

In June the French National Assembly, by a tiny majority, accepted the establishment of a new West German government—de Gaulle’s supporters were unhappy about the concessions to Germany, while the French Communist Party decried subservience to an AngloAmerican agenda. It was an admission that France was no longer a major power, and that to influence policy in the future it had to make unpalatable decisions in the present. S. military governor in Germany, General Lucius Clay, announced the implementation of currency reform and began to circulate the new deutsche mark in the Western zones, including Berlin.

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