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By B. Tibi

The 3rd version contains a new half 5 at the tensions among Arab nationalism and Islam coming up from the obstacle of the countryside and of the de-legitimisation of Pan-Arab regimes. the consequences of the Arab defeat within the Six-Day conflict 1967 and the increase of political Islam within the Seventies are the focal point of the recent half. The history of the research of the effect and serve as of nationalism and its contribution to social and political swap within the 3rd international, taking the increase of nationalism within the center East as a ancient instance. Professor Tibi concentrates at the interval after the 1st global conflict, whilst many Arab intellectuals turned disappointed with Britain and France end result of the career in their nations. One concentration of this learn are the writings and impact of Sati' al-Husri on center japanese politics. Professor Tibi illustrates the relationship among glossy Arab nationalism and nineteenth-century German Romantic nationalism, with the intention to be of specific curiosity to the English reader. Professor Tibi concludes that whereas nationalism has performed an important and demanding position within the move for nationwide independence within the heart East, it has due to the fact that constructed into an ideology which turns out to impede extra social and political emancipation. This 3rd variation, introduced thoroughly brand new via a considerable new creation and new concluding chapters, should be of specific curiosity to historians and social scientists facing nationalism and crises of the geographical region in addition to to scholars of the center East and modern Islam.

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114 In the long run, the Pan-Arab myth had to be replaced after having been devastated. It was hoped that Pan-Arab nationalist rhetoric 24 Arab Nationalism: A Critical Enquiry would be replaced by a new enlightened outlook. However, the myth of an Arab nation has been replaced by another one: it is the myth of Islamic universalism whose claims are incompatible with the structural realities of the present world of nation-states. This new myth is based on the revived idea of worldwide Islamic community, al-umma al-Islamiyya, combined with the concept din wa dawla (the divine state order).

In the Middle Ages, the power of the papacy and the empire, which embodied feudalism, was the institutional core of the 'political constellation'. 5 Christian universalism was initially followed not by the appearance of nations but by a variety of dynastic state forms, all of which tended towards centralisation of power. 6 However, the dynastic state, or more accurately medieval kingship, was an important stage in the development of nationalities. Hans Kohn comes to a similar conclusion in his description of the gradual decay of the universalist world order of the Middle Ages.

26 Historically, popular sovereignty is realised in the idea of the nation. In Rousseau's view, the General Will was objectively achieved in the (national) state. National sovereignty replaced dynastic sovereignty as the legitimation of the new political order, 27 though this did not take place before the French Revolution. It was only then that the idea of the nation gained currency, and the national state became the guiding principle of bourgeois society. Thus Kohn says 'Nationalism is inconceivable without the ideas of popular sovereignty preceding—without a complete revision of the position of ruler and ruled, of classes and castes', 28 although he was discussing the nationalism of revolution- Nation Formation and Nationalism in Europe 33 aries, which was fused with the democratic concept of liberty.

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