By Barak Mendelsohn
Although terrorism is an age-old phenomenon, jihadist ideology is targeted in its ambition to overthrow the fashionable nation method, abandon the primary of country sovereignty, and spoil the rules of global order. Barak Mendelsohn argues an important point in responding to any such risk and profitable the warfare opposed to terror within the twenty-first century is the hegemon—a robust kingdom that takes the lead and generates cooperation between states to struggle jihad.
While so much analyses of hegemony have concerned about energy, Mendelsohn firmly grounds the phenomenon in an online of shared norms and principles that either allow and constrain the hegemon’s freedom of motion. He examines how the presence of a hegemonic kingdom impacts overseas cooperation, defense, and overseas relations—revealing, for instance, why the U.S. has chanced on larger cooperation for the struggle in Afghanistan than for the struggle in Iraq. Tracing and explaining the various degrees of cooperation that exist for suppressing terrorism financing, for fighting non-state actors from acquiring guns of mass destruction, and for providing army aid to U.S. hegemony, Combating Jihadism presents a nuanced figuring out of the interplay among norms and power.
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Additional info for Combating Jihadism: American Hegemony and Interstate Cooperation in the War on Terrorism
In fact the United States occasionally exercises hegemonial management in the service of the society of states and it is expected, in times of need, to promote the modification and revision of the society’s principles, rules, and practices despite the opposition such changes could generate. This is not to deny that its actions and style cannot be counterproductive and even undermine the international society, but to view the United States as a systemic threat would be unjustified. Moreover, while the policies of the first Bush administration provoked significant controversy and international resentment, as the years have passed, particularly after Bush’s reelection, the United States has modified its policies and style, and has demonstrated considerably greater attentiveness to the concerns of other states.
Others such as Israel, Egypt, and Jordan claim religious identification but keep the connection between state and religion limited: authority and control over citizens is in nonreligious hands, the state does not adopt the whole religious code, and the religion and its clerics do not enjoy superior status. In many cases, clerics are subordinate to state authority and the government nominates or approves the holders of the main clerical positions. Although there is variation in the influence religion exerts over states’ identities and policies, all of these arrangements reaffirm the primacy of the Westphalian model.
The third stage in the globalization of jihad started with the 9/11 attack on the United States and the ensuing American responses. The dynamics of the engagement between radical Islamists and states, mainly the United States, in the period following 9/11 shaped public perceptions of the struggle as global, causing even local terror attacks to be perceived as part of the broader struggle. This change in framing relieved but did not eliminate the problems of collective action, resource allocation, and constant personal conflicts that had characterized the Islamist movement in the past.